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DANCING AND MUSIC

Notes From

GUINAANG, BONTOC, MOUNTAIN PROVINCE, PHILIPPINES (fn. 1)

Lawrence A. Reid

Table of Contents

1. DANCING
  • 1.1 The Occasions For Dancing
    • 1.1.1 Iyag With Dancing
      • 1.1.1.1 Iyag Associated With A Specific Village Division
      • 1.1.1.2 Iyag Requested By Individuals
    • 1.1.2 Iyag Without Dancing
      • 1.1.2.1 Iyag Before Harvest
      • 1.1.2.2 Iyag After Rice Planting
    • 1.1.3 Áfig Restrictions
      • 1.1.3.1 Personal Áfig
    • 1.1.4 The Iyag - Téer Relationship
  • 1.2 The Types Of Dances
    • 1.2.1 The Fallíwes Dances
      • 1.2.1.1 Dancing Ground
      • 1.2.1.2 Participants
      • 1.2.1.3 Dancing Style
        • 1.2.1.3.1 Men’s Styles
        • 1.2.1.3.2 Women’s Styles
      • 1.2.1.4 The Dress Of The Dancers
        • 1.2.1.4.1 Women’s Dress
        • 1.2.1.4.2 Men’s Dress
      • 1.2.1.5 Variations
        • 1.2.1.5.1 Fallíwes After Taking A Head
        • 1.2.1.5.2 The Aráyat Variation
      • 1.2.1.6 Opening and Closing Themes
    • 1.2.2 Introduced Dance Forms
      • 1.2.2.1 The Fogfókhi
        • 1.2.2.1.1 The Pinanyóran Variation
        • 1.2.2.1.2 The Inot-ótot Variation
      • 1.2.2.2 The Takik or Sára

 

2. SONGS

 

APPENDICES

2. Lawrawwi

3. Chag-ay

  • 3.1 Chag-ay Si Samar
  • 3.2 Chag-ay Si Fallíwes
  • 3.3 Arroyan
  • 3.4 Chag-ay Si Fáyo
  • 3.5 íkhan

4. Chaing

 

 

1. dancing. All dancing in Guinaang may be broadly classified as social dancing. The people dance, they say, because they are happy and on the occasions when dances are held, there is a definite festive spirit, testifying to the pleasure which the participants experience. However because all of Guinaang social life is deeply interlocked with its religious life, and because much of its religious life is dependent on rites connected with the now outlawed practice of headtaking, the indigenous dancing may likewise be classified as expressions of religious fervor on the one hand, and remnants of tribal fighting rites on the other.

1.1 the occasions for dancing. The occasions for dancing are many, but all are dependent on one factor termed iyag. No village action of any import can take place without first consulting the spirits of the ancestors, who indicate whether the occasion is propitious or otherwise by using the calls of certain birds; the most important of which is known as the íchew. Following a propitious call at certain places, high in the mountains (where in former times battles took place and men were killed), the omen seeking party returns to the village, giving loud cries to indicate a successful expedition. Shields, spears and back baskets which they took with them, are piled up at the ab-afóngan (Bontoc áto - men’s gathering and sleeping place) and in the evening an old man shouts the fact that the following days are téer. These days (usually three) see the appropriate sacrifices performed, and prayers offered to assure the success of the village action. These days are holidays; the law that no work outside the village borders may be done being often rigidly enforced with fines or other punishments. This whole complex is known as iyag and it is on certain of these occasions when dancing may be performed. There is, however, one exception that has been noted, and that is during the period set aside for the celebrating of fayas wedding ceremonies commonly termed chono. These are not dependent on an iyag, and certain features distinguish this dancing from that performed on other occasions. These features will be mentioned below.

1.1.1 Iyag With Dancing. Although dancing is normally dependent on the iyag, not all iyag will permit dancing. Those that do include the following occasions.

1.1.1.1 Iyag Associated With A Specific Village Ward. In case of crop disease, the ab-afóngan named Ingit will perform an iyag called likhib ‘crop disease’. Dancing will take place on this occasion, the festivity driving the disease away. Likewise, an iyag called pasíkar is performed each year to increase the amount of rice harvested. This is always the responsibility of the central ab-afóngan, named Chatar, and dancing can normally take place. Any ab-afóngan which has received bad omens consecutively can perform an iyag termed palinteg, to ‘straighten’ the omens by sacrifice. Dancing is always performed.

1.1.1.2 Iyag Requested By Individuals. Such iyag are performed for individuals who believe themselves to be afflicted by an ancestor whose death has not been revenged. This affliction usually manifests itself in sickness, but may also be manifested in personality traits which cross the bounds of Guinaang social custom, such as thieving. The offending ancestor will be discerned by one of the old men, and the ab-afóngan to which he belonged, plus the ab-afóngan of the afflicted person (always a man), will perform the iyag. These iyag are term sálit. Dancing is performed on these occasions, maybe with the same thought as was expressed for the iyag for crop disease -- to help drive the affliction away by merriment.

1.1.2 Iyag Without Dancing. These include the following occasions:

1.1.2.1 Iyag Before Harvest. The iyag called sórat (insórat ‘to block a hole’). This is a three-day téer associated with cleaning of terrace walls and the blocking of rat holes, so that the developing rice may not be eaten by rats.

The iyag called sáar (insáar ‘to bring home’). This is a ceremony held before rice harvest.

The iyag held before harvesting of rice at Fákhiw, which is one of the main terrace areas, and the last to be harvested.

These three iyag are performed to bring about a successful rice harvest. It is said that to dance on these occasions would be to show festivity prematurely and would anger the anito or spirits of their ancestors.

1.1.2.2 Iyag After Rice Planting. A ten-day ceremony, termed apoy ‘fire’, held at every terrace after the planting of rice, during which meat is cooked and rice wine is offered to the rice field spirit. This ceremony was originally accompanied by dancing, but now it is forbidden as the young people have begun putting pieces of white paper in split runo reeds and placing them in their hair to add to the head decorations. These are termed sókay. This has been blamed as the cause in recent years of an abundance of white, empty heads of rice, actually the result of a small worm infestation.

1.1.3 Áfig Restrictions. All of the above occasions described when dancing can take place, depend upon a vague factor which might be described as freedom from the aura of certain unfortunate occurrences. These mainly include death by violence or accident, and death by childbirth. Such occasions cast the village into a set of ceremonial restrictions, termed áfig, lasting for a minimum of one complete season. Thus the death of a Guinaang man in Bontoc caused by falling from a terrace wall in March 1960, caused a village áfig lasting until after the harvesting of rice in July. An iyag performed in this period during which dancing would normally be allowed (e.g., pasíkar described above) did not hear the sound of a single gong. A village áfig, termed okílas, which occurs after the performance of fayas wedding ceremonies, will allow dancing during the allowable iyag, but other áfig restrictions are maintained. The term ferway is used for the iyag which closes an áfig period. However, this same iyag occurs at the end of the three main seasons of the year, whether there has been a village áfig during the season or not. These main seasons are as follows:

  1. Tilling of the soil, ending in October or November.
  2. Harvesting of sugar cane, ending in March.
  3. Harvesting of rice, ending in June.

Dancing will take place on each of these occasions only if they are not also closing an áfig period for ‘bad death’.

1.1.3.1 Personal Áfig. This is brought about by a number of different events, for example, the birth of animals or children, all ceremonies connected with the life including death, and does not affect the village ceremonies. A person with such an áfig however would not participate in the dancing.

1.1.4 The Iyag - Téer Relationship. The proclamation of a téer day does not necessarily mean that an iyag has been successfully started. There are certain occasions which are declared as holidays merely for rest, as during rice harvest, okang si ákob si in-áni ‘the opening of the lunch baskets of the harvesters’, or at the end of sugar cane harvest, charepchep, following the visit of relatives to another village for wedding ceremony participation, pásing, and for certain of the lesser wedding ceremonies in the village, karasákas. Following a death, a téer is declared in respect for the dead, saráeg. None of these days has an iyag, nor are sacrifices performed, and therefore no dancing is permitted.

1.2 the types of dances. All dancing that is seen in Guinaang may conveniently be divided into two groups. The indigenous dances, or fallíwes, and the introduced dances.

1.2.1 The Fallíwes Dances. Any occasion in which dancing is allowed will mainly feature the fallíwes dance. These are the commonest of the dances, the most widely photographed by visitors, and the ones which have been collectively called the "Bontoc War Dance." The name fallíwes comes from the root líwes ‘to go in a circle, to turn about, to reverse direction’. The dance thus takes its name from the predominant movement of the men dancers. Other names for this dance are pattong and khangsa, taking their names respectively from the term for the gong-beater, and the name for the gong.

1.2.1.1 Dancing Ground. Every iyag involves at least one ab-afóngan, and sometimes as many as four or five. Dancing will only take place at the ab-afóngan involved, never at those who have not sent representatives to listen for omens, or to witness the sacrifices at the sacrificial places.

Each ab-afóngan consists of a long, low dormitory, taboo for women, in which the old men and bachelors sleep. From its small entrance stretches an area paved with large flat stones, with a fire in the center and several upright stones for leaning posts. This is surrounded by a low stone wall. Out from this, and usually at a lower level, is a larger area, which is the dancing ground. It is in this particular area that dancing may take place.

Because of contests which in recent years have been held between church schools from the villages, the school boys have been practicing and perfecting their techniques apart from the allowable iyag occasions. To do this they have had to take their gongs outside the village boundaries, and/or dance in the church compound. Such restrictions however are not placed on the pre-school children, who spend most of their days with a sardine can and a stick, beating their way around any flat place that is available, their little girl friends joining with outstretched arms, just like their older sisters.

During the iyag for sálit, dancing may also take place at the house of the person on whose behalf the iyag is being performed.

During fayas wedding ceremonies, dancing is performed at each of the participating houses whose social standing allows them to exhibit the heads of the carabao sacrifices on big pine log erections outside the house. During these ceremonies, no dancing is allowed at the ab-afóngan, because no iyag has been performed.

1.2.1.2 Participants. Every man is associated with one or another of the ab-afóngan, and he is expected to join in the projects, work and play of that ab-afóngan. It is there that he slept as a boy, and it is to the same place that he will return as an old man when his wife dies. However he is not restricted to that ab-afóngan when it comes to dancing. He is perfectly free to dance at any ab-afóngan he desires.

For the ladies however, the situation is quite different. She is not associated with the ab-afóngan in any way, even though the men in her working group are all from one ab-afóngan, and the girls dormitory in which she sleeps may be adjacent to an ab-afóngan, yet if she desires to dance there, she is expected to bring a small gift. This can be a can of rice, or as is often the case, a bowl of beans. The food thus gathered is cooked at the ab-afóngan and eaten there by the male members that evening.

There is no age limit to the participants. Anybody may take part, although the older men are given preference, because of their social position and experience. Such old men often show amazing agility in their movements, and are respected for their dancing, ability. If a gong is left over a child of 6 or 7 years of age may pick it up and join the end of the line, following the actions of the leaders like veterans. Groups of children are also given opportunity to show their ability and toexercise their own leadership.

1.2.1.3 Dancing Style. A typical dance will begin when the young men who have been sitting about on the large flat stones of the ab-afóngan goad each other into picking up a gong and preparing for the dance. Fifteen or twenty gongs may be lying about on the ground, resting against the ab-afóngan walls, or hanging in their woven bamboo cases from the tree which shades the area. Each fellow will finally choose the gong which suits him best, having felt the weight, and tested the resonance, and the pitch and quality of the tone. Soon the air is filled with the ring of the gongs as they each try to get into the correct beat and rhythm. Usually one will begin with a long measured beat, others coming in on the half beat, and as uniformity is maintained a quarter beat is struck. If the tempo sounds to be too fast, or too slow, somebody will cut completely across the rhythm with a new tempo of his own, and everybody else stops to come in on the new beat.

One man may be appointed by common consent to take the lead in the dance, or if somebody desires to be the leader, he may just start off into the dancing area without consulting his companions. The leader usually starts out with a large step, body upright, often with a grotesque facial expression, and gong held waist high; as his companions follow closely, the dancing step becomes shorter, and he begins to introduce some variations in style. The dance is always performed counterclockwise.

1.2.1.3.1 Men’s Styles. Style variations are of four kinds:

  1. changes of step.
  2. changes of direction.
  3. changes of gong position.
  4. changes of body position.

Changes of step are many, and description is difficult and inadequate, because the foot placing is very finely adjusted to the rhythm, and such relationship is not easy to define. However the steps may vary from a rhythmic shuffle in which the feet barely leave the ground, to one in which the feet are lifted high, with a well bent knee. There is a type of step in which both feet hit the ground on the same beat, being alternately raised and placed forward on the following quarter beats, giving the appearance of a short rhythmic jump.

Change of direction can involve a turn-about face in which everybody changes their relative position in the line, the tail-ender becoming first, the leader becoming last. This almost invariably involves a reverse step, in which the whole line dances backwards, otherwise the dance would become clockwise in motion. Another type of direction change takes place when the leader stops his forward progression, dances on the spot, and rotates his body first to one side, then to another.

Varieties of gong position also give the dance interest. Normal position is waist high with the gong held in the left hand and struck with a padded stick (pattong) held in the right. The two main varieties of this are the holding of the gong at head level or above, and the holding of it down close to the ground. Gong positions also involve body positions. Low gongs usually involve a crouched body position, or merely bent low from the waist. High gongs involve a proud upright position, often with more pronounced foot movement.

These varieties of style are often combined to produce different effects. All motions may be produced with what appears to be an attempt to create a feeling of gross, excess, forte movement. At other times the leader may bring his team into a complete circle, the foot movement will gradually cease, bodies will crouch low, moving slightly up and down to the rhythm of the gongs, and on one occasion that was witnessed, even the gongs gradually stopped, with just body movements to keep the rhythm.

It is up to the leader to retain interest in style. If he runs out of ideasor tires, he will then relinquish his leadership by stepping over to the tail end; number two in line, then becomes leader. Sometimes the team will split into two, each following the style of its own leader, and weaving its way around the other team . A dance lasts until the leaders tire, or interest lessens, usually within fifteen to twenty minutes. It is the leader’s privilege to close his dance if he so desires. The usual procedure is to lead his team into a close spiral with bodies crouching and gongs lowering until the leader places his gong face downward on the ground. Everybody immediately follows suit and the dance stops until a new group is formed to begin all over again.

1.2.1.3.2 Women’s Styles. The dancing position of the women is normally in a circle encompassing the men. Women are not required to complement the dancing, and the first one or two dances of the day may be performed by men only. As the noise of the gongs rings through the village, the women begin to gather, until before long they are tightly packed about the men, dancing three, four or even five deep, right around the circle. Women normally do not change their relative position in the dancing. Three or four young women may line up behind each other, facing towards the dancing circle of men, and will hold that position till the dance is over. Foot movement is always the same, and is performed in time with the men’s foot movements. It consists of a slight forward movement with the right foot, and a short backward kick with the left, or vice versa. This is associated with rhythmic body movement from the knees. The arms are held either outstretched, with loosely bent elbows, and thumbs pointing upwards, jogging thus with the body movement, or when they tire, resting on the breast, knuckles of closed fists touching at the center of the body.

There are certain old women who are noted for their exhibitionism. One of these may join in line with the dancing men, imitating their movements, including the beating of the gongs, but never has one been seen to pick up a gong, and actually join in beating with the men. Another type of dancing, which appears to be primarily exhibitionism, occurs when one of these older women will dance within the circle of the men; sometimes using the normal women’s style dancing; other times imitating the men; sometimes dancing in a set position, other times feinting her movements with the leader. Often her arm movements become more rigid with unbent elbows; and with body bent forward from the waist, she raises first one arm high to one side, then the other arm, all the time keeping feet and body movements in rhythm with the gongs.

1.2.1.4 The Dress of the Dancers. Guinaang people, probably in common with most other peoples, welcome the dance as an opportunity to appear in their finest clothes, making the occasion a great splash of color and interest.

1.2.1.4.1 Women’s Dress. Women clothe themselves in their best, brightly colored, intricately patterned, woven wrap-around skirts, secured at the waist by a woven waist band about four to six inches wide. This is tightly wound twice around the waist, and tied so that the eighteen inch long strings from each end meet at the center back and form a swaying tail when dancing. Blouses of cheap, brightly-colored cotton manufacture bought from Bontoc stores seem to be considered the ideal top covering. Women who normally do not wear a blouse of any description, would never dance without some form of covering. Older women drape themselves with their best woven blanket, passed under one arm and tied in a knot on the opposite shoulder.

Headdress is both colorful and varied. The bulk consists of string upon string of beads, of many different kinds and manufacture. The head beads worn in normal everyday wear are all used. There are large white beads which appear to be a type of china or porcelain, interspersed with strings of small red and white beads, made of a type of plastic, which can be bought cheaply in Bontoc. Added to these are the beads which are worn only on special occasions. These are the genuine stones which have been passed down through many generations, and are valued at hundreds of pesos per strand. Added again is the snake-spine circlet, an important piece to any headdress, and one which takes on particular significance during childbirth. To crown it all, flowers may be placed one on either side of the head - the common sunflower being often used, or leaves of tobacco may be draped from the beads. A common addition is a 6" piece of runo reed split to receive a piece of paper, or a bunch of peso bills, usually of the Japanese occupation currency variety. A pair of sunglasses is considered the final accessory in fine dressing for the Guinaang dance. It matters little if one of the lenses is missing, or two for that matter. Even if it is pouring with rain, the dance goes on just the same -- and so do the sunglasses.

1.2.1.4.2 Men’s Dress. A man will dress in his fanciest loincloth, with a finely patterned wide front flap reaching nearly to his knees, the back piece swinging down as far as his calves. He also likes to wear a brightly colored sports shirt - if he has one. For his head a young man wears a fancy woven basket hat, with boar’s tusks on either side, and two or three strings of red beads supporting it across his forehead, and hanging at the back to his neck. If he does not have a basket hat, any hat will do, no matter how big, old or ragged. This, a pair of old boots and the sunglasses are the finishing touches. Around their necks or from the ears of both men and women hang further evidences of wealth in the form of gold earrings, also of differing size and design.

1.2.1.5 Variations. The fallíwes described above is the normal dance performed nowadays, however, there are two variations, which because of the nature of the occasions on which they are performed are rarely seen in Guinaang. In Bontoc, however, they are frequently performed as dancing demonstrations for visitors.

1.2.1.5.1 Fallíwes After Taking A Head. (fn. 2) It is said that the fallíwes on such an occasion was particularly joyous. There was much merriment, and the warriors who had done the killing were feted. The killer’s first task on bringing home a head was to perform dog and pig sacrifices to protect himself from the spirit of his victim. The ceremony was called tomo. Following the successful completion of these ceremonies, the fallíwes was held. The distinguishing features of this fallíwes were two:

  1. The use of a special song called charrókhay, usually sung in the ab-afóngan, between the dances.
  2. In addition to the normal dress used, armbands were used which consisted of boar tusks, with tufts of human hair hanging from the band; boar tusk necklaces were also used.

1.2.1.5.2 The Aráyat Variation. The peace pacts which over the years have been made with the villages in the surrounding areas, are all held verbally by the members of one or another of the six ab-afóngan in the village. If an ab-afóngan so desires it can renew a peace pact with one of the villages by killing several water buffalo and inviting the village concerned to a feast. Dancing always follows such occasions, and it is then that the aráyat can be performed. It consists of a normal fallíwes as described above, while two men, holding shields and spears perform a mock battle, either within the circle of the other dancers, or one on either side of the circling men.

1.2.1.6 Opening And Closing Themes. Before a day’s dancing begins and also at the end of the last day’s dancing, a theme is played, called tachek. This is performed by a small group of old men. They normally stand holding the gongs and begin a slow measured beat. There may be no foot or body movement, or the weight of the body may be shifted from one foot to the other, allowing two beats for each body movement. Another style is to keep both feet on the ground, bend the knees, and rotate the body from side to side on each second beat. It has also been seen with all men squatting and no body movement.

Following the tachek, all but one man squat, the standing man shouting what is termed férew. This is a kind of challenge, in which a heroic deed of his, or one of his ancestors is quoted, and the young men present are challenged to emulate the bravery.

Fároskayoy mamallíwes! Sinlong áma nan iyókan ad Láchekhay. Kinmekegséret, komegserkayoy kafarrofarro!
"Be challenged, dancers! My father pushed through a wasp swarm at Lácheg. He was tough, be tough also young men !"
Fároskayoy mamallíwes! Chinpapkos Lokóong as Afáten. Natákhowáket, matákhokayóway kafallofallo!
"Be challenged dancers! I caught Lokóong at Afáten. I lived, you live too young men!"
Tachekayóway fafallo! Linapon amámi nan toron póroway Sapon ad Fato!
"This is your tachek young men! Our fathers massacred thirty Japanese at Fato!"

Following the fáros call, the shouter crouches with his companions and a short chorus called wéer is sung. The whole procedure is usually repeated three times. However at the completion of dancing, the tachek may be left out. An old man may intervene in the dance in progress, and take the gong from the leader, being the signal for all others to lay down their gongs. He will then shout a fáros, the wéer will be sung, and they will proceed to the area nearer the ab-afóngan sleeping house, where food will be served to all the men dancers. This three-fold complex of tachek, fáros and wéer occurs in many ceremonies and does not necessarily signal the beginning of dancing.

1.2.2 Introduced Dance Forms. There are a number of dances which use gongs as an accompaniment, but which are not recognized as being Central Bontoc in origin. These are performed at the ab-afóngan as a diversion, during intermissions of the fallíwes. It is only the younger men and women who take part in these dances, and a majority are willing just to sit and witness, and never to try their skill. It is usually stated that these dances came via Western Bontoc, but this cannot be vouched for. The two main dance types are called fogfókhi and takik.

1.2.2.1 The Fogfókhi. This dance (also called bogibógi – from Eng. boogie-woogie), consists of a ring of young men crouched or seated on the ground, striking a very fast beat on the gongs, which are held and struck in the same manner as for the fallíwes. One young man and one young lady take to the "floor", and begin their dance. It consists mainly of a variety of foot movements, for which the man leads and the lady follows, facing each other across the "floor", and gradually rotating round it. This progresses to the stage when the dancers hold hands and repeat their steps around the circle, sometimes the man looping under his partner’s arm, the lady then looping under his. A third stage occurs when the young man places his hands on his partner’s hips and follows her around the circle in a repeat of the original steps.

1.2.2.1.2 The Pinanyóran Variation. The only difference between this dance and the one described above is that the dancers each hold in their stretched out hand a handkerchief or headscarf (panyor from Sp. panuelo). This dance, although appearing in style to be much the same as the fogfókhi in Guinaang , and also named as such by them, may well be of true Montane origin. It is said to be danced with greater skill and distinctiveness by the Kalinga.

1.2.2.1.2 The Inot-ótot Variation. This is also termed fogfókhi, but the dancers perform their steps leaning on a short length of runo reed. The name comes from ótot ‘rat’, and the object appears to imitate the chasing of rats, as commonly seen in Guinaang. The young man will approach the lady, who will attempt to take refuge on the other side of the men beating the gongs, and so the rat chase continues, until she allows herself to be ‘caught’ and the dance finishes.

1.2.2.2 The Takik, Or Sála. This dance also has a young man and a young woman as the main dancers. In this dance, however, the style of the two differ. The man’s style is termed sáyaw, and woman’s style is termed fomafái. Although the footwork of these styles is usually the same, the arm positions are different. The man holds his arms out rigidly to either side, whereas the woman holds her arms loosely, and bent at right angles at the elbows. There are two methods of providing accompaniment for this dance. One is called tambol, in which the men with gongs sit on the ground having the gongs resting on their folded legs, while the beat is struck out with the palms of their hands. The term tambol is an introduced word, probably from Western Bontoc, where it is the name of a long (two to four foot) wooden drum, straddled by the player. In Guinaang, the wooden drum is unknown, and the method described above has become the substitute. The other method is for two or three men with gongs to follow the foot movements of the young man doing the sáyaw dance, and at the same time strike their gongs intermittently with the wooden end of their gong ‘hammer’. The sharp ring produced is broken periodically with a sideways movement of the left hand (holding the gong handle) against the rim of the gong, dampening the sound. Frequently the gong is held, cradled in the left arm, the inner surface being struck to produce the sound, and dampening effects being produced by contact of the gong face against the supporting left forearm.


2. songs. The Guinaang people have a set of songs which provide suitable music for every phase of a person’s life and ceremonial experience. One or more of these songs is sung when any pig sacrifice is performed; when working in the fields; when courting young women; during wedding ceremonies; after a successful head-taking foray; when sickness strikes, and finally when death occurs. All of these songs are sung by groups of people, although the theme may be introduced as a solo. Some are men’s songs and some are women’s. All are sung unaccompanied by any musical instrument.

2.1 songs connected with dances. There are two occasions when songs are associated with the fallíwes dancing.

2.1.1 The Charrókhay Or Victor’s Song. This song is sung during the charrókhay variation of the fallíwes. The place where it is usually sung is at the ab-afóngan, although in the evening after eating, married men may join the young bachelors in visiting in the pángis ‘unmarried girls’ dormitories’ and the charrókhay will also be sung there. It is now about fifteen years since this song was last sung, and the majority of the men have forgotten the tune. It is said to be a response type song with extemporaneous words.

2.1.2 The Choy-os Or Song For The Sick. This is only performed duing the iyag termed sálit (see section 1.1.1.2). During intermissions of the fallíwes, men and women will form themselves into separate lines, side by side, men usually on the outside. As the songs are sung both men and women perform slow foot and body movements as a rhythm accompaniment to their singing. The most important of the choy-os songs is known as khoykhoy which also means ‘to draw’. It has extemporaneous words but a set theme, in which a prominent member of the village which was responsible for the death of the ancestor of the sick man is called to Guinaang, as a token revenge for his death. The final verse consists of the words: Ipeg-anam nan inegnam ‘Release the one on whom you took hold.’ This song must be carried through to its conclusion, when the man from the other village is metaphorically sung into the ab-afóngan, or else serious sickness would inflict other ab-afóngan members, it is said.

When the khoykhoy is finished a song known as ekhéya is often sung. This is the word used in the refrain. It is said that this song is borrowed, having been brought up from Bontoc. Words are extemporaneous, and theme suitable for the occasion being followed. The ekhéya does not have the significance for the sick man that the khoykhoy does.

2.2 sacrificial songs. These songs, termed generically ayyeng are sung after all pig or dog sacrifices in both house sacrifices – in which a family is responsible, and in the ab-afóngan – in which all the members of that ab-afóngan share the responsibility. The sangfo or a pig sacrifice at a house, is conducted on the following occasions, amongst others: during a difficult childbirth; when somebody in the house is sick; at the completion of a wedding feast; when occupying a newly built house; when a house is transferred to another site; after receiving an inheritance; for the welfare of the harvest; and after the burying of the dead. The chaw-es, or pig sacrifice at the ab-afóngan, is performed on numerous occasions, including several of the iyag mentioned above, and on other non-iyag occasions. The ayyeng is exclusively a men’s song, no women being allowed to partake. Likewise it is usually only the older men who sing. The younger men state that they have not yet learned how to sing the ayyeng songs.

2.2.1 The Introducing Theme. After the pig has been killed and the necessary prayer said, one of the leading old men will begin the erwa or introducing theme. It consists of a short embellished solo, often addressed to the spirits in which the purpose of the sacrifice just performed is briefly set out. It is followed immediately by a wéer chorus, exactly the same as is used to follow the fáros (see section 1.2.1.6). This is repeated three times, different words being sung in the solo on each occasion. Following the final wéer anybody is free to lead into the main ayyeng.

2.2.2 The Ayyeng. The words of the ayyeng are extemporaneous although it seems that general themes are followed, as all the participants are able to join in almost immediately the leader begins to sing, as if they know what is to be sung, and just need his cue to come in. These themes relate to the occasion which is being celebrated; thus during wedding feasts, the ayyeng would deal with the fruitfulness of the married couple, the increase of their crops, and the quality of their pigs and chickens. The ayyeng continues on many occasions right through day and night, with only breaks for eating of the cooked rice and squares of boiled pig fat and meat. Refreshments are always in evidence; the first servings being provided by the man who is responsible for the sacrifice. Others may then bring gifts of rice beer, sugar cane wine, and tobacco to distribute among their companions. The longer the ayyeng continues, the freer the wine flows, and the more boisterous the singing becomes. The men squatting around their pitch pine fires, shout themselves hoarse in their endeavor to take the lead and have the group sing their words. Those with the loudest voices, the strongest personalities, and the fiercest appearances are usually the men to take the lead.

2.2.3 The Fokhinney Closing Song.

The fokhinney is the closing song just before eating when the sacrifice has been performed at a house. Although regarded as an ayyeng song, the fokhinney differs in several ways, the most noticeable being the fact that it has a much less vigorous, and a more melodious tune, and secondly that it has set words. The majority of the words used are old and not now in common use. Many have even lost their meanings. Whereas the main ayyeng seems to be only an expression of the desires of the singers, and appears to be directed to the beneficiary of the pig sacrifice, or the household which has performed the sacrifice, the fokhinney is directed to the inanimate objects, rice, corn, water etc., also to pigs and chickens (see Appendix 1.)

2.2.4 The Lawrawwi Closing Song. The lawrawwi is the closing song, just before eating when the occasion is a chaw-es, or ab-afóngan sacrifice. This likewise has set words and a more melodious tune than the main ayyeng.

2.3 working songs. These songs, commonly called chag-ay, can be conveniently divided into two types. Those which are sung outside the village, and those sung within a house.

2.3.1 Chag-ay Outside The Village. These songs, termed chag-ay ad ilit ‘songs of the village outskirts’, are characterized by a strong vigorous rhythm, bodies often moving in time with the singing. Words are extemporaneous, although set themes are followed, according to the work being done. In the chag-ay songs, many words are used which are completely different from words of the same meaning in normal everyday speech. These are considered to be an essential part of chag-ay language. Other words are completely distorted with added syllables and sounds to fit the rhythm and make the rhyme. It is very common for words with open initial syllables to double the central consonant, creating initial closed syllables.

The method of group labor practiced in Guinnang – the obfo system, in which each member receives in turn the benefit of the full group’s work in his or her field, is ideally suited to this type of song. Men and women are usually equally divided between the groups, each having between fifteen to twenty personnel. The chag-ay can be sung as a response type, in which one group will sing the lead and the other group will follow, or all will sing together. The use of the song is to break the monotony of the labor and to provide rhythm for the work. It is quite a common sight to see a group of men and women standing in a circle around a heavy rock (which is to be transported for the building of a wall) singing a vigourous chag-ay. Men are often dressed only in a waist belt, with a pad of leaves on their shoulder for protection from the weight of the stone; while women, often bare to the waist, use a thick pad of leaves on their head, for protection from the stones they carry, and as shade from the heat of the sun. As the song finishes, three or four men will immediately hoist aloft the rock, and place it on the shoulder of the man poised to receive it. This is called chag-ay si fato ‘song for a stone’.

Another occasion when the chag-ay is frequently sung is in the final preparation of mud in the terraces, preparatory to planting rice. The working group will line up across the field, join hands and sing the chag-ay si samar ‘song for the soil preparation’, then will tramp rhythmically forward, smoothing out the mud as they go. This is termed chayyew. Another of the common chag-ay ad ilit is the chag-ay si fallíwes. This is not related to the fallíwes dance, but the fallíwes or ‘encircling of men as they turn the sugarcane mills’.

The tunes of these chag-ay are all much the same, although each ab-afóngan has its distinctive style. Only three notes are normally used, with no embellishments as in the ayyeng. These are the tonic, sub-dominant, and dominant notes of the scale. Women and men in falsetto voices add counterpoint harmony, a fourth or fifth above the lower voices. There are a variety of words which can be used after each line as the chorus. Among them are cheyyesen, chowwéey, sowwéey, wagkheswes, wesséey, yeyyéey, and yorwes, none of which has meaning in itself.

Each line has approximately six or seven syllables, the final one rhyming with the word used for the chorus. There is a special chag-ay sung during harvesting. It differs from the above songs in that it has a more melodious tune and is less vigorous than the other chag-ay ad ilit. It is called arroyan, which is also the chorus word of the song.

2.3.2 Chag-ay Within A House. These songs differ from the chag-ay ad ilit in several ways. The most obvious is the change from the low vigorous rhythm so characteristic of songs outside the village, to an extremely soft type of singing, usually starting in a very low register and getting higher as the song progresses. The rhythm of chag-ay ad ilit is marked by strong, load rearticulation of successive syllables, giving a staccato effect. Chag-ay within a house marks its rhythm in the same manner, but its syllable rearticulation is done softly and with a less staccato and more cantabale effect. The end of each phrase is marked by rhythmically sucking in two short breaths. The change in singing style is said to be in respect for people in nearby houses, who might otherwise be disturbed. However, the change in style is also in accord with the change of mood, brought about by the occasions on which these chag-ay are sung, and the change of semantic content. The songs outside the village may deal with the heat of the day, the tiredness of the laborers, and related themes. The songs in the house usually have courting themes.

The third distinction between these two kinds of chag-ay is the time when they are sung. Songs outside the village are sung during daylight working hours. Songs in a house are sung at night.

The songs of the house are of two types, the chag-ay si fáyo, the rice pounding song, and the areng-eng or courting song. Having completed a day’s labor in the fields, an obfo working group will go to the house of the member who has received the day’s work, where they will eat. Married men may then return to their own houses or ab-afóngan, whereas the unmarried men will stay behind, if the host is one of the single girls of the group, and help with pounding rice. (fn. 3) It is on these occasions when the chag-ay si fáyo is sung. The areng-eng, also called arog-og, is only sung by the young men when they go to the pangis or young unmarried women’s dormitory (Bontoc ólog). Such visits can take place on any evening, but the singing of the areng-eng is usually reserved till the evening of téer days, when no work has been done and everybody is physically fresh and looking for an evening’s entertainment. A group of young men from some of the ab-afóngan will decide to visit the girls of one of the pangis. After a short time of such talk as commonly passes between young men and women in such places, the areng-eng will be started. The young men often sing with eyes closed and looks of extreme pleasure on their faces, as they rest back in the arms of their chosen partner. After singing of the areng-eng song, the girls are expected to bring in refreshments, rice wine, tobacco and food as gifts to the men who have come to visit. (See Appendix 3 for chag-ay texts).

2.4 songs for a wedding ceremony. Guinaang people are very class conscious when it comes to weddings. One’s social class determines the size and number of pigs or water buffalo sacrifices, and whether or not the wedding songs can be sung. There are three songs which are reserved exclusively for weddings, these are the lefek, chaing and íkhan.

2.4.1 The Lefek Song. This is the song which accompanies the ceremonial pounding of rice in certain of the higher class lópis or pig sacrificing ceremonies. In Western Bontoc, the term inlefek still retains the meaning of sugarcane milling, and through allusions in certain of the wedding prayers, originally had that neaning also in Central Bontoc. However it was a sugarcane pounding, as the initial breaking down stage before being passed through the primitive wooden mills. The lebkan around which the pounding takes place is a long trough (six to eight feet in length) and it was in this that the cut cane was laid for pounding. Nowadays it has lost this significance and the ceremonial pounding either takes place with an empty lebkan, or rice is placed in the trough.

Two rows of women stand face to face, on either side of the lebkan. These all hold pestles and slowly pound the rice in time with their singing. Their actions consist of body swaying, slow foot movements and fancy movements of the pestles, which include beating on the edge of the mortar. For each verse of the lefek song, each pestle strikes the rice only once, and the edge of the mortar once.

The words are extemporaneous, but are directed to the married couple, usually expressing desire for their fruitfulness, and the increase of their crops. However, any passing incident which attracts the attention of the leader can be put into the song.

The leader is usually an elderly wman, well experienced in the singing of this song. She will lead her side in the verse and in the chorus, in which the word chowéey is often utilized. The other side will then repeat the words and chorus of the first side. As visitors gather and invited guests from other villages join in the proceedings, they may stand in banks behind the front rows, men and women joining in the singing and swaying in rhythm with the leaders, until fifty or more people may be gathered around the lebkan.

2.4.2. The Chaing Song. During the daytime as the lefek is being sung, there are three or four old women who sit under the thatched eaves of the house, and quietly sing the chaing. This continues until night falls when the men gather in groups around their small pitch pine fires outside the house, and they take over the singing of the chaing. One old man will be the leader, and will sing the theme for the verse as a solo before the others join in. The chaing has set words, which are mainly out of use now, and many have also lost their meanings. If for any reason there happens to be a break in the proceedings, the few old ladies still seated under the eaves will quietly continue until the men start again. The tune of the chaing is different depending on whether men or women sing it. However the words remain the same. The chaing continues until a pig is brought in and sacrificed, then the ayyeng begins.

There is one occasion apart from wedding ceremonies when chaing may be sung. This is at the house sacrifice of a pig performed for the general welfare of the crops, and the health of the participants. This ceremony is called inchaing.

There is one occasion when the chaing women’s tune is used apart from the chaing words, that is during the fayas wedding ceremonies in which water buffalo are sacrificed. At one stage the mother of one of the participating couples will invite, by song, the deceased relatives from other villages to attend the feasting. This is done to prevent spirit-caused sickness during the feast. This song is called the pinarámag or ‘bringing up’. (See Appendix 4 for chaing text).

2.4.3 The Íkhan Song. During the fayas wedding ceremonies mentioned above, pine log structures up to twenty feet in height are built by certain of the upper class families in front of their houses. From these are suspended the heads of water buffalo slain by that particular family. The four-posted variety of these structures is called fansar. A kind of platform is built on the top to which children can climb. From the erection of the fansar structures till their destruction several weeks later, there is usually a group of children on the top of each one singing the íkhan song with its distinctive melody.

The íkhan is primarily a children’s song, although groups of unmarried men and women may also join in sometimes. The íkhan is properly sung from the top of the fansar but can be sung wherever a group of children happen to be. Once the fansar is destroyed, it is taboo to sing this song. The people believe that doing so will cause the destruction of their water buffalo. The íkhan is an extemporaneous group song with no solo leads. Its chorus words are usually orakyo and íkhan. As with the other extemporaneous songs, set themes are usually followed, employing words which are not now used in common speech. (See Appendix 3 for íkhan texts).

2.5 the song at a death-watch. After a person dies, he is placed in a sitting position in a wooden frame in his house. Each village has its own custom regarding the time the body stays in the house. Guinaang people only keep the dead in the house one complete day. During that day the relatives gather, and spend their time stroking the head, face, arms and hands of the dead person, all the time singing the áchog or death-watch song. This is often more of a wail than a song. It is taken up by the people sitting inside the house, then men, women and children sitting outside may join in. The words are addressed to the departed person, alsways starting with the phrase aney si áma ‘alas, our father’ using, of course, the appropriate relationship term. This is often long and drawn out, starting on a high pitch and loud volume, and gradually dying down, till somebody else cries out aney si áma, and the áchog begins again. The death song finishes at dusk when the body is removed from the frame, placed in its coffin, and transported to one of the burial caves in the village.


3. musical instruments. With the love that Guinaang people have for song and music, and with their well-developed sense of rhythm, it is surprising that they have only two musical instruments. One is the gong which has been mentioned in connection with the dancing, the other is the nose flute.

3.1 the gong. In Guinaang, the gong is termed khangsa. It is one of the symbols of wealth. Probably a majority of the families own at least one gong, a highly valued instrument, which has been passed from father to son, through many generations. These families are provided with certain priviliges during the fayas wedding ceremonies, mentioned above. There is one ceremony lasting for four days or more, in which the gong owners are feasted in turn by each of the participatiing families in the fayas. With their love for metaphorical language, rich families when talking of buying or selling a gong, often refer to it as a khiyag ‘woven plate’. (fn. 4)

The average size of these gongs is from twelve to eighteen inches in diameter, with a flange about two to three inches wide at right angles to the face. Two holes have been bored about four inches apart on the flange, and through these pass the fastenings for the hand piece. In former times this consisted of a jawbone taken from a vanquished enemy, but few of these remain. Some use wooden handles crudely shaped into a V to represent a jawbone; others have boar tusks, or other pieces of bone as a substitute. Gongs are kept in open weave rattan baskets and between dances are stored in granaries, so that in the event of a house fire they would not be destroyed.

The gong striker, pattong, is made from a piece of rattan about nine inches long. Through a split in the end is placed a pad of cloth which is then bound tightly with strips of rattan. The other end of the striker often has a decorative winding of stripped rattan as well.

Gongs are not made in the area, being brought up from the lowland provinces They are said to have originated in China.

3.2 the nose flute. The nose flute, or karareng, is made from a type of bamboo called ánes, which has a narrow diameter and a relatively long distance between each of the nodes. One section, including the node at each end, is cut for the making of a nose flute. It usually has a slight curve, is between eighteen inches and three feet long, and has a diameter of approximately half an inch. The nose end is cut flush with the node, and a small hole is then burned through the center of the node. The other end is burned open through the node. To position and make the holes for fingering, the central point between the two nodes is marked, and a hole is burned through the concave surface. This becomes the thumb hole. The lower end of the flute is then divided into half again, and the third quarter is divided in three. These markings position the three finger holes which are burned through on the convex surface. A piece of fine wire or a nail heated in an open fire is the normal instrument used for burning the holes. A small square is cut out around each of the holes to make a flat surface for good finger seating. Decorations are sometimes cut or burned on the flute in circular and crisscross patterns. Nose flutes are normally made by young unmarried men during the dry season months when the bamboo is easily accessible. It is not usual to season it before beginning making.

The nose flute is played by placing the upper end against one nostril and with sideways pressure blocking air from passing through the other. Normally if it is placed against the left nostril, it is held diagonally to the right of the body, left thumb on the thumb hole, and middle finger of the left hand over the first of the upper holes. The right hand index and middle fingers cover the other holes. There are no set melodies, each person developing his or her own style. Fingering is changed quickly and evenly, each note having the same value. The end of each melodic line (approximately equivalent to one exhaled breath) is normally rounded off by an embellishment on open notes an octave apart. This is produced by variation of pressure (and thus actual position) of the flute against the nostril.

The nose flute is normally played by young unmarried men and women as a diversion during the long hours of attending the watering of rice fields, during the dry season; when planting takes place; and later while attending the ripening grain to protect it from ravenous rice birds. It is always played as a solo instrument and is never used in any of the religious or social ceremonies in Guinaang.

 

Notes

1 Notes for this paper have been gathered during an eighteen month's residence in Guinaang, mainly from observation, but also from an informant, Benedict Sibfay, a middle aged man who has spent most of his adult years in the village. The data cannot be guaranteed as representative of the dancing or music of other Bontoc areas. There has been little observation of practices outside of Guinaang, but it is assumed that within the Central Bontoc area, comprising the Barrios of Mainit, Dalican, Malegcong, Tococan, Bontoc, Bontoc itself, and extending to Sadanga in the North and Bayyo in the West, the overall pattern would be the same, although details may vary from place to place. All terms used are local Guinaang terms. [BACK]

2 Head taking in Central Bontoc is now no longer practiced because of Government pressure, and the introduction of Christian teaching. For Guinaang the last occasions occurred during the Japanese occupation when thirty three Japanese soldiers were killed and beheaded when they visited the village, and shortly after, when a party from Guinaang killed two men from Sadanga in revenge of a Sadanga killing of a Guinaang man in the fields. [BACK]

3 Married women do not work in the obfo system, but form groups of their own with no men workers. [BACK]

4 Also a rice terrace is referred to as a wooden bowl, and a water buffalo is referred to as a young pine tree. [BACK]

 

Appendix 1
fokhinney
 

San sinlap-íchay chóraw

San sintengcha ay ngawey

Farfoyyoway menchekney

Menchokinney

Farfoyyóway menkhitomma

Khitomma yenmakomma

Parkheyyóway pochawan

Parkheyyóway olíwey

Pinanar mayepayep

Tinóned machiketan

Ónasyóway ipao

Linfek san faron takho

Inkapopno san marayo

Ónasyóway appoti

Linfek san fabfafai

Inkapopno san wangkhi

Fakragyóway tod-awan

Assan tongchon san charan

Fakragyoway kantíla

Am-in naapaytóchan

Assan khowab san charan

Chanom ad Achomrangey

Oyong kano nan pakhey

Chanom ad Akhoyowan

Sinafang nay kachakran

Chap-ay ad Kalingayan

Namekyakhanchas chóraw

Chóraw si maninengaw

Fansar ad Lakhonchayan

Namekfekanchas fafoy

Somersig nan feratna

Oschóngan as Karyanan

Karokrokfob nan ogsa

Ninfotogchas lapóna

Chanom ad Kafikaran

Sinócheychas katil-ey

Nangemsanchas narakay

Tay amed nan narakay

Yokyok kanod Pasilok

Makhanges nan saryokna

Manaryoknar manokna

Falíli, khafot si takhos ona

Akhamma ay akhamma

Katamem si fanengna

Karakar omas-asikiyafowan

Ay-ayam si ongong-a

Fareyay fanfan-íkhey

Pinokitanchas pakhey

Inipakhey san kab-arey

Kakhamekhameng

Kakhangsakhangsa

Kasengsesengseng

Karomyaromyang

Kasangchasangchar

Kapayepayew

Kaomaóma

Kafotofótog

Kamanomanok am-in

Naay sap-onek chakayo

Mo chakayos khomíko

Ikerwagmoy anan-ak

Ikerwagmo nan fótog.

 

 

One ceremonial basket

One portion of tender sugarcane

Your pigs, rolling fatness

Menchokinney

Your pigs, be gathered together

Legs, bent with old age

Your podchaw rice

Your rice, which is grown tall

Thickly growing rice seedlings

Transplanted seedlings, taking root

Your ipao sugarcane

Threshed by handsome people

Has filled up your jar

Your appoti sugarcane

Threshed by women

Has filled the wanci jar

Your gabi, which is tall

Above the trail

Your gabi, like a bolo

All well matured

Below the trail

Water at Achomlangey

Laden the rice with grain

Water at Akhoyowan

Merge into the biggest

Flat stone at Kalingayan

They opened out the chóraw basket

The people’s chóraw, who stay at home

The fansar structure at Laconchayan

Where they quarter the pig

It’s fat is very thick

Look down at the river

The deer are kneeling on front legs

They were used as pigs before

Water at Kafikalan

Flowing through a piece of cane

Where they bathed the aged

Because the aged are important

The small frog said to be at Pasilok

Its croaking reverberates

Its croak to call the chickens

Balili, the origin of the first people

Crab, o crab

Aim for the edge of the terrace

Kalakal darting here and there

Toys of the children

A very tiny house

Crammed with rice

Rice donated to the newly wed

Innumerable chinese jars

Innumerable gongs

Innumerable golden earrings

Innumerable inherited head-beads

Innumerable iron vats

Innumerable pond fields

Innumerable dry fields

Innumerable pigs

Innumerable chickens and all

This is my proposal to you

If you are afflicting us

Spread out the children

Spread out the pigs.

APPENDIX 2
lawrawwi
Lawwin iYommad yachen

Lawwíchay nalitlítan

Somchor ay paikayew

Ay makafomakaren

Lawwíchay iMatarrew

Lawwíchay narorongfo

Somchóray paikayew

Ay makafomakaren

Khayyang iYommad yachen

Nasaad si Kamalig

Nangay-aynas fósorna

Karrasagnas sinkhit-ing

Chayyontodnas chayyontod

Nanigwangnas fósorna

Wakkes iYommad yachen

Kaman finab-aredchan

Archat iYommad yachen

Kaman atinchorangen

Nalikchas si Paróong

Alikóchong pinomsong

Idchewchas Orkikiyaw

Inpat-ilewka fayaw

Mamiyodmis Amlipótan

Fansenchas sinmay-ówan

Nan segseg-angmin chakayo

Asosóyan

 

The Lawwi of the Yommad people

Their Lawwi of long ago

He sends us to have an omen hunt

Who continually hunted the enemies

The Lawwi of the Matarrew people

The Lawwi which was narorongfo

Her sends us to have an omen hunt

Who continually hunter the enemies

The spear of the Yommad man

Placed at Kamalig

He calls out to his enemies

His shield so very small

He feinted with his shield

He forced his way through his enemy

The G-string of the Yommad man

Like the well patterned design

The archat of the Yommad man

Like the rainbow

They have gone to Paróong

Running here and there, jumping into the pool

Their omen bird at Orkikiyaw

You show yourself

Empowering us at Amlipotan

Relieving us of our misfortunes

Our pleas to you

Asosóyan

APPENDIX 3
1. Chag-ay si samar

2. Chag-ay si fallíwes

3. Arroyan

4. Chag-ay si fáyo

5. Íkhan

APPENDIX 3
1. A song for soil preparation

2. A song for sugar cane milling

3. A song for rice harvesting

4. A song for rice pounding

5. The Íkhan wedding song

1. chag-ay si samar
Entakot kominnenfa oy

Nak-ab nan tinakfa oy

Ya weseoy

Sakkod iyangnen sina oy

Ya weseoy

Anap si nar-eppa oy

Ya siya mampay

Waras ongarkos na oy

Weseoy

Nan ekway nan khodchowa

Weseoy

Si taron si ongngaa

Ya chengrem sa.

Let’s go and eat

The back basket (stomach) is empty

Weseoy

That’s what must be done here

Weseoy

Hunting for sustenance

That’s right

My hardship is severe

Weseoy

Lifting of the soil carrying baskets

Weseoy

For maintaining children

You listen to that.

2. chag-ay si fallíwes
Sompangkhen

Síno kasim anapen

Fíloket fílok am-in.

Entat chomangkhewaa

Ta cheey si segkhaa

Cheey ay naisorpaa.

Lenchanyos iyotterfaa

Ta way maammas tinfaa

Fab-alin si ong-aa.

Akas na songlibfaa

Ta ichercherta naa

Ta way maammas tinfaa

Fab-alin si ong-aa.

Akas na kay kagwaa

Ta ichercherta naa

Siyay way maammaa

Inomen si am-amaa.

Entat mangewwaa

Ta cheey si segkhaa

Kafogkha ay makwaa.

Esak pay peppewchana

Apóngoychay apakrana

Narpos nan atibfangrana.

Entat mangewwaa

Aw-ay insog-ed si liwwaa

Lagkhoyna ay kinormaa

Aw-ay kinew-an nan naa

Nan fanga ay payyaa.

Sorwes

Ninperweg nan segkhas

Ngag iperweg tonas

Sakkod iyangnen sinas

Sinmakit nan matas              

Chercher nan charwigkhanas

Sakkod iyangnen sinas

Esa way matinfas

Akas na songliwwas

Ta fomadchangkas nas

Tay nabray nan límas

Mangichercher sinan pakad

Ya ngag iyormat sinas

Sakkod ta pay min-egwas

Entako ichercher tet-ewas

Ta maammas tinfas

Ngag pay awangnentas

Way fab-alin si ongas.           

Yorwes

Sad-enakay liwwas

Kinaay ya chomeeedchas

Narpas nain-anas

Akittay ónaschas.

Yakey naabfosana

Fayaew nan lokfana

Nan lokfan ad Lokfawana

Nan lokfan nan si Tarkowana

Lokfan ad Tangiíkha

Et as wakas payet kechenga

Na eyak faliwsana

Ta nailpaskamíya

Chakamíyay sinsomogkhówa

Maiwed na ab-afóyowa

Oray mo sinsoychówa

Kechengchis ab-afóyowa

Ay ig adchi napnówa

Fayaw nan lokfankówa.

Maid painomkówa

Fayaw sinan am-ammaa

An sik-a ay arappówa.

Maid paisimotkówa

Fayaw sinan ap-óyowa

Narpas ay naisoytówa.           

Che cheyesen

Kecheng angkhoynasaa

Ya cheyesen

Yeb-ayebfennaa

Ya cheyesen.

Sor-anoy

As wakas entakot makifogeayaw

E …..

Entakot khes mangagkhamaa

Assan agmad wangaa

Chessey.

Waraw ferey sina oy

Ke maid seng-ewna oy

Waraet na ay wete

Achíka kay oomten

Warset na ay wete

Entakot malidchoyna oy.

Namóran ad Wanga oy

Wena oy

Sorweey

Ya maiwed sil-ewna oy

Sakkod iyangnen sinaa

Esatako komenfaa.

 

Who (síno pan ngen)

Who else will you look for

We are all insufficient.

Let’s start on the trail

There’s the descending sun

Just about to disappear.

Feed the mill made of aterfa wood

So that sugar candy will be made

For keeping children happy.

Come here, young lady friend

So we can push round the mill

So that sugar candy will be made

For keeping children happy.

Come here my companion

So we can push round the mill

As that is the way to make

The drink of the old men.

Let’s start (mangwa)

There’s the descending sun

At Kafogca is the way.

I will insist on getting (pewchan)

Their head beads made from apakran berries

It came out from the fern tree.

Let’s start

Maybe my wife has begun cooking

Her skirt is the kinorma style

Maybe she has cleaned the inside of

The clay jar of the payya style.

Sorwes (repeated after each line)

The sun is going down

What is this (the mill) vibrating for

It is what must be done here

The eyes are painful (through lack of sleep)

Pushing the bar

It is what must be done here

So that there will be sugar candy

Come here wife

To aid us here

Because our arms are tired

Pushing the bar

What shall be done here

It is necessary to exert effort

Let’s go and really push

So that sugar candy will be made

What then shall we do

So there will be something for the children.

Yorwes (repeated after each line)

Wait for me, my wife

The cane pile is now small

It’s now all finished

They only have a little sugarcane.

They are empty

These wine jars

Wine jars from Lokfawan

Wine jars of Talkowan

Wine jars from Tangiig

Tomorrow will be the end

Of what I will crush

Because we have finished it

We who use this cooking place

There is no sugar candy

Not even one bowl

And that’s the end of sugar candy

Still not filled

These jars of mine.

I have no drink to offer

To the old men

To you grandfather.

I have not a sip to offer

For your grandchildren

That which makes us lick our lips is finished.

Cheyesen

That’s the last of it.

Cheyesen

It’s becoming windy

Cheyesen.

Sor-anoy

Let’s go to work tomorrow

Chorus

Let’s also go and gather crabs

Crabs from the river

Chessey.

The tiredness here is extreme

There are no refreshments here

I’m laden down

 

Let’s go to sleep.

The moon is shining at the River

Yes, that’s right

Sorweey

And there is no pitch pine torch

This is what must be done here

Let’s go and eat.

3. arroyan
Waschin sikmatennaa

Arroyan

Aney si tengngannaa

Aye sas fannenganaa

Komchawtakos limmaa

Ta esa way kankówaa

Fanengchad Chamillang.

Everybody ‘catch’ (rice stalks)

Arroyan (repeated after each line)

In his harvesting section

Get along there at the edge

Let’s beg for five (children)

So there will be inheritors

Their terrace at Illang.

 

4. chag-ay si fáyo
Chese

Entakot makitóyaa

Incheyesa

Fabrassang si Khawaa

Nasobras songliwwaa

Ad-íyak pay sikkaa

Fabrassang si Khawaa

Nasoklip nan tómaa

Kecheng angkhoynas saa.

Chese

Let’s talk (of love)

Incheyesa

Young ladies of Khawa (Guinaang)

Left over for wives

Not you however

Young ladies of Khawa

Crawling with lice

Finished with you there.

 

5. íkhan
Kinchagmi nan totto

Olakyo

Iniyayagmis akhími

Olakyo

Akhimiyay Ilikayan

Íkhan

Fansar ay fongsarwílan

Íkhan

Winiswisan si khípan

Íkhan

Khípan si kakachangyan

Íkhan

We have speared a male carabao

Olakyo

We have called our relatives

Olakyo

Our relatives from Ilikayan (Dalican)

Íkhan

A fansar structure that is fongsarwílan

Íkhan

Whittled with a knife

Íkhan

Knife of the rich people

Íkhan

 

APPENDIX 4
chaing
San Lengwa

Ay san Lengwa

Khafot san takhos onna

Khafotcha pay tet-ewa.

Kamalig

Ay Kamalig si laraki

Tay amed nan laraki.

Sarapa

Ay sarapaen inana

Ta komchaw si inkowana.

Ponganga

Pongangaen amana

Ta komchaw si inkowana.

San kongan

Ay inserwíchas iliyan

Nagred si inkes-akhan.

San lichen

Ay inserwíchas iliyan

Nagred si inkes-akhan.

Pochawan

Ay ninserwíchas iliyan

Narfek si inkes-akhan.

Olíwey

Ay ninserwíchas iliyan

Narfek si inkes-akhan.

Ipao

Ay linfek si faron takho

Inkapopno nan marayo.

Appoti

Ay linfek si fabfafai

Ninkapopno nan wangkhi.

San pokaw

Ay sinmakyab si fang-oraw

Nasanakyab tet-ewa.

San oling

Ay nasanakyab si kiling

Nasanakyab tet-ewa.

Achawey

Ay laraki ay atag-ey

Tay inkhaw-eynay anag-ey.

Kachokhen

Ay komchawtas latlatokhen

Tay amed nan way latokhen.

Chakokhong

Ay laraki ay natok-ong

Ta minsakfatna nan losong.

Ad Lok-ong

Ay fafaiyet natok-ong

Ta minagtona nan losong.

Ngafeng

Ay sinabrayanchas khameng

Ay khameng ay kinekekmeng.

Ad Sorkok

Ay ninkapopnos pinokok

Tay chig amed nan pinokok.

Ad Pokok

Ay inmorfoy nan pinokok

Tay am-amed nan pinokok.

Ad Moling

Ay nangemsanchas finíting

Tay finíting tay laraki.

Kachangran

Ay nangemsanchas kachangyan

Tay am-amed nan kachangyan.

Chakhachag

Ay nangemsanchas chinakhag

Tay chinakhag tay laraki.

Ad Orngong

Ay nangemsanchas khinopong

Tay khinopong tay laraki.

Laswíkan

Ay laraki ay sosíkan

Tay infaktotnay khosíngan.

Falikong

Ay inyomyomna nan sinkong

Tay chig am-amed nan sinkong.

As Liwen

Ay minwenwenmo ta sak-en

Ta am-amed nan sak-en.

Chakitan

Ay pakitan si kawitan

Tay am-amed nan kawitan.

Khamoyo

Ay nangemsanchas kachang-o

Tay am-amed nan kachang-o.

Ad Potek

Ay nangemsanchas finatek

Tay finatek tay laraki.

San kichor

Ay nakakchoor san kichor

Kichor si anFomotngor.

Nakakyaas

Ay nakakyaas tay chem-as,

Tay am-amed nan chem-as.

Ad chera

Ay ninkapopnos inong-a

Tay am-amed nan inong-a.

Ad Teytey

Ay kolibfayen inong-a

Tay am-amed nan inong-a.

Ad chaya

Ay asikok-olimaya

Tay fab-alin san inong-a.

Lengwa

Lengwa

Origin of the people in the beginning

That’s truly their origin.

Kamalig

Kamalig of the boys

Because boys are important.

Ease down

His mother is easing it down

To plead for her own.

Ponganga

His father is ponganga

To plead for his own.

A white pig

They took through the village

Was butchered on the kes-ag night of the feast.

A black pig

They took through the village

Was butchered on the kes-ag night of the feast.

The podchaw rice

They took through the village

Was pounded on the kes-ag night of the feast.

The olíwey rice

They took through the village

Was pounded on the kes-ag night of the feast.

The ipao sugarcane

Pounded by handsome people

Filled up the marayo wine jars.

The appoti sugarcane

Pounded by the women

Filled up the wangkhi wine jars.

The white chicken

Flew up to the floor joists of the house granary

It truly just flew up.

The black chicken

Flew up to the ground plates of the house granary

It truly just flew up.

A tall one

A man who was so tall

He could reach the top of an anag-ey plant.

With tears (?)

Pleading for one to bounce on the knee

Because it is important to have such a one.

A big one

A man who was so well-developed

He could carry a rice mortar on his shoulders

At Lok-ong

A woman who was so well-developed

She could carry a rice mortar on her head.

A shelf (?)

Filled with wine jars

Wine jars of kinekekmeng style (?).

At Sorkok

It is crowded with sucking piglets

Because sucking piglets are very important.

At Pokok

The sucking piglets burst out

Because sucking piglets are very important.

At Moling

Where they bathed the tattooed one

He has a tattoo, because he is a man.

Kachangran

Where they bathed the rich one

Because the rich are very important.

Chakhachag

Where they bathed the man with the chest tattoo

He has a chest tattoo, because he is a man.

At Orngong

Where they bathed the man wounded in the back

He was wounded in the back because he is a man.

Like the laswik tree

A man who is contentious

Because he blocks the rice field outlets.

Falikong

Who gathers small rice fields

Because small rice fields are very important.

At Liwen

Where you will locate me

Because I am important.

At Chakitan

The hiding place of the rooster

Because the rooster is very important.

Khamoyo

Where they bathe the rich

Because the rich are very important.

At Potek

Where they bathe the tattooed one

He has a tattoo because he is a man.

The thunder

Crashing thunder

The thunder at the place of Fomotngor.

Quickly disappears

Quickly disappears because it is a shower

Because a shower is very important.

Outside

It is crowded with children

Because children are very important.

At the Ladder

Where children attempt to climb (?)

Because the children are very important.

In the sky

All the stars are twinkling

Because that is the attraction of the children.


Please send comments to : reid@hawaii.edu
1999© Lawrence A. Reid