-------------------------------------------------------------------------- A Kulu vocabulary and fragments of Kulu grammatical structures -------------------------------------------------------------------------- SHIMIZU, Kiyoshi CONTENTS Preface 1. The Kulu language 2. Informant 3. The elicition of data 4. A linguistic summary 5. Kulu-Niger Congo comparison (to be completed) Part One: Fragments of Kulu grammatical structures 1. Phonology 1.1. Vowel phonemes 1.2. Consonant phonemes 1.3. Tones 2. Morphology 2.1. Noun morphology 2.2. An outline of the Kulu noun class system Part Two: A Kulu basic vocabulary (based on Ibadan wordlist of 400 itms) Part Three: An English-Kulu index _____________________________________________________________________ Preface 1. The Kulu language The Kulu language is one of the six Northern Plateau Group languages of Platoid, which belongs to the Benue-Congo branch of Niger-Congo family. It is spoken in Kaduna State of Nigeria by about 6,000 people. The name of this language is reported, probably for the first time, in Westermann and Bryan (1952 pp.104-5) as one of the Class Languages of Nigeria. Greenberg placed it in Plateau 2 of his Benue-Congo subfamily. 2. Informant I happened to meet one of its speekers working in the guest house of Bayero University, Kano, when I visited Nigeria in 1993-4. We were able to meet five times between 20th December 1993 and 12th Januray, 1994, and once on 23rd July, 1994, making up a little over 12 hours' eliciting in all. The young gentleman, who patiently sat with me between his official duties, is Mr. Dabo Uba Kutu. He was born in August, 1957 in Yelwa Ikulu, but lived mainly in Kaduna and Kano since Febryary 1975. His home address was given as: C/o R. C. M. Church, Gidan Bako, P.M.B. 24, Zonkwa (Zangwon Katab Local Government), Kaduna State, Nigeria. 3. The elicition of data As Mr. Dabo Kutu is bilingual in Kulu and Hausa, the elicitation was carried out in Hausa. The Kulu vocabulary was given by him freely in the first few sessions, but by the final session all the items in Ibadan Wordlist of 400 basic words were elicited. As a result, the Kulu basic vocabulary presented in a dictionary format in chapter 2 contains some 600 entries. 4. A linguistic summary To summarize, briefly, the results of the analysis based on the above material only, the Kulu language has, phonologically, a seven vowel system, more or less twenty-five consonants including the palatal series /c, j, sh, zh, ny y/ and the labial-velars /kp, gb/, but no other exotic consonants such as implosives and ejectives, nor fortis/lenis distinction as reported from the neighbouring Kaje. It has three distinct level tones, which are sometimes contracted to falling tones. Grammatically, it seems to have a full-fledged noun class system, with singular/plural class pairs (genders), and noun class concords, whose fragments are summarized in Chapter One. 5. Kulu-Niger Congo comparison A fourth chapter is in preparation, but not yet ready for publication.That is an etymological study of the Kulu vocabulary, based maily on the Kulu- Niger Congo comparison, but including the topic of Hausa loanwords and other features of the Kulu vocabulary. Some Niger Congo-Kulu sound correspondences have already been found:NK : Kulu -m:p kumi: kp ten tuma: tba send doma: luba 22 V bite b-:v- ba: va dog In addition, a more rigorous comparison of the Kulu noun class system and that of Niger-Congo can also be carried out. Chapter One Fragments of Kulu grammatical structures 1. Phonology 1.1 Vowel phonemes (1) There are seven vowel phonemes:/i, e, ; , a; u, o, /. The letters /, , / represent a half open front vowel, a half close central vowel, and a half open back vowel. Thus: Close: i u Half close: e o Half open: Open: a (2) The contrast /e : /has been attested by the following items: i-wne 233 nose reke yweyup 1131331 thick sugar-cane reke yweyup 2232331 (pl.) u-fufyen 232 small : u-fufyn narrow Although in some items, either of the two vowels appear: @be: b subj.rpon 3.person be-pli 133, b-pli 23 urine iye 23/33 ~iy 13/33 liver (3)Similary the contrast /o : / ihas been attested by the following pairs: ashes, in-cփŁ@1133:@gather, co 22 ~23(?) V. cock, gin-kn/nyin-kn: shea-nuts tree, i-kono/i-kono Though there are items in which either of the two vowels appear: o: -cop/-cop ~-cp/-cp vein, muscle, nerve (4) The vowel contrast /a : / has been attested by the following items: kill: pal 2 V : pl 1 V a: sometimes no contraset, ex. amin:min1.person; a: 3. person a-~-, g-~ga prefix (5) The contrast /u :/ has been attested by the following items: intba name : tuba 33 horn u: sometimes no contrast? ex. gu-: g- noun- and concord prefix belly: p҃~pu 3 (6) The contrast /u : / has been attested by the following items: kul 13 'beg' : kulu 11 'beat (drum)' (7) Phenomena suggesting some kind of vowel harmoney have been observed. Thus: -buhu-o kuulushu 2132 333 the sack is empty gsal-a 2331 the house cob-a shi gcokru 232 2 312 the muscle is hard pli 3 (< pli 13 urinate) b- 2 urine ( v. be-pli 133 urine) gu-p҃/a-p҃ ~gu-pu/- pu 233/233 (a-ҁF-u). (8) Other vowel contrasts noted i : e : : : a : u : o : ÁF g-/b- 2/2 ~g-sal 1@house@ o: -cop/-cop ~-cp/-cp u: p҃ ~pu 33 belly muscle u : a: e: i-wne 33 nose u : o place ko:kuAyoro~yuru teach kwai 22 V pluck (fruit) a[]min see 1322 I have chosen a[]min lp 132 I have bought 1.2 Consonant phonemes (9) The following consonant phonemes have been recorded: Labial: p b m f v@@@ w Dental: t d n s z r l Palaral: c j ny sh zh y Velar: k g [] Labial velar: kp gb (10) The [], which occurs only medially, has been interpreted as a positional allophone of the phoneme /g/. amin kփ [a-mi-~k]g di-wi -yk 1 1 2 3 2 3 2 1 I hear man's voice naa 13 V weave nuu 22@@pot u-nyinyaga [nyinyaa] 1111 rough suu@@progressive marker kokulu [kouru] cover V u-kou/i- 1-11/1- wound i-maa 111 testicles ft 1 1 1 2 1 2 a min kփ ri-bun I want to 1 1 1 2 1 2 defecate (11) Syllable finally only the following consonants occur: /p, m; r, l, n; k, / Since /r/ does not stand initially except for Hausa loan words, , and /t/ does not appear finally, they are in complementary distribution. (12) Nasalization has benn interpreted as the / / phoneme, pronounced loosely. i-f+nyu~/i-f+nyu~ ~of hand 1 3 1 2 3 1 gu-kuumu~/- 1-122/1- silk cotton tree ~?/? in many cases ~> amin kփ[k~] 132@I have heard (13) In medial position /l, r/ show contrast: r:l -guru 22 land-monitor : -gulu 22 go out (14) Consonant clusters Cl, Cr, Cw, Cy, NC occur: @@Cl: pl bl ll kl @@ Cr: pr fr tr sr zr Cy: py fy vy ty zy ly ny shy zhy ky @@Cw: pw cw jw shw kw NC (15) Examples of the Cl clusters: pl: b-pli 23 urine (< pli13 urinate) bl: bla~bula rain (the medial/u/is short ll: g-llibi/b- 1/1 11 hyena kl: gu-kli/- 2-1/2 shoulder (16) Examples of the Cr clusters: pr: gu-pra/- 11/11 leg, foot zr: stream gu-zri/- (17) Examples of the Cw clusters: pw: cw: cwa 12 to pound jw: jwa 1-21 to shatter (calabash) shw: shwa: to carry, load kw: kwk 12 to grind; (18) Examples of the Cy clusters: py: pya [pia] 3 V touch vy: vyu 2 sickness ty*: tia 22 sit down@@OR: CVV? @@zy: zha, zhi, zhelegu [zhielegu] forget@ @@ly: kilya 12 V cook @@ny: nyere [niere] 23 V sweep @@sh: crab: -shiene/a-shiene /shyene/? cf. tail, u-shene/i-shene (se:sie:sye?) @@ky: kye 2 V see (19) Cy clusters and the plain consonants interchange in some items: ni~nyi where ~nyinyaa 232 V ~ninaa 232 V (20) NC clusters nd: ndl 2/H _, 3/M _ poss. pron. our mba ~mbo 12 verb vonj?and (connects verbs) mp: -mpla/- 11/2 nail 1.3 Tones + (21) There are three distinct tone levels, which can be demonstrated by many pairs of words.. kaana 111 go in! : kaana 221 V fry yolo 22 follow : yolo 23 teach : yulu 22~32 teach/learn (22 past: 32 progress.) wan 2 V swallow : wan 1 V flay -na 32 guts :-na 11 root (22) Composite tones appear, though their nature is yet to be clarified: weyup 31[331?] ~yuyop 23 thick composite tone (23) Some sonorant consonants bear tone(s). So, non-initial nasals are all tone marked: jam 11. cal 32 woman 1.4 Phonological changes (24) Some prominent rules of phonological changes are listed below: R. 1. Intervocalic voicing of the plosives R. 2. Intervocalic doubling of /l/ R. 3. Vowel contraction (25) Examples of Rule one: (26) Examples of Rule. 2. doubling of /l/ luba! Bite! gu-lluba 222 to bite gu-llii 112 a min lii 1312 I have licked what about the insertion of /n/?: gi-m-buŁ@@goat etc., (27) Examples of vowel contraction niinyi ndl 232 22 uwayenmu (> niinyndl) i-ce ndl 13 2 our father (ice < ci+e~) -nuu yo 232 31 it is right baa(nothing?). buhu o kuulushu 213 2 3333 the sack is empty. kulu 11 V. beat (drum). gu-kulu g-bri 111 13 to beat drum. kulu 33 gu-/- 2/2 ~1/1. skin: gu-kulu/-kulu 233/233 ~133/133. kul 13 V. beg. amin kul 133 13 2 I begged you. kum 22 V. get, obtain. amin waa, amin kum 111 32, 133 22 I was looking for it and I have got it. amin de kum mi 133 1 22 1 I did not get it. a re kum mu 3 1 22 1 he did not get it. be de kum bi 2 1 22 1 they did not get it. bee kum 23 22 they have got it. kunaa 132 (ku 1 place + naa 32 lie down). u-/i- 2/1. u-kunaa/i-kunaa 2-132/1-132 place of sleeping, i.e. bed. ukunaa ukpupl/ikunaa ikpiipl 2132 123/1132 1232 wide bed. kunu 31 V. burn ( de/N _) Negative marker (v. de 1). amin de kum mi 131221 I did not get it. a re kum mu 31221 he did not get it. a r ba 2111 he has not come. ginma gi re zha gi 2222 1 3 11 the knife is not sharp. reke 13/23 -/- 1/2. sugar-cane: -reke/-reke 113/223. reke yweyup/reke yweyup 113 1331/223 2331 thick sugar-cane. ri Conj? baa ri b kփ come, let's hear! riijiya 3312 - 2. well, water-hole. -riijiya -yum 23312 121 deep well. riijiya sau yum 23312 32 121 shallow (not deep) well. r 1 Negative marker (v. re 1, de 1). a r ba 2111 he has not come. S,s sa 2 V. drink. sa drink! amin sa 133 2 I have drunk. saa 22 V. weep, cry. asogu saa 131 22 she (he) is crying. saa 31 V put on (gown) (